Dockers in Guatemala and Costa Rica have struggled for decent work against violent opposition, ending most recently in murder in the case of Guatemala, as Sharon James reports

In June 2006, Oscar Arias Sánchez, Costa Rica’s newly elected president, gave a speech to the annual conference of the International Labour Organization (ILO).

“As Nobel Laureates, we both know that decent employment lies at the heart of peace,” he said. (Oscar Arias was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987, the ILO received it in 1969.) The president also told the conference, “There exists a fundamental link between decent employment and peace, between work and the defence of human dignity. The right to work is a fundamental right, and without respect for fundamental rights, peace can be no more than a dream.”

Just four months later, the Costa Rican government sent security personnel into the ports of Limon and Moin to take over cargo handling from members of the ITF-affiliated dockworkers’ union SINTRAJAP, because they had begun working strictly in accordance with regulations in protest over plans to sell off the ports.

"Pedro fought his whole life to defend the rights of others" Antonio RodrÍguez Fritz reflects on the background to the murder in Guatemala of the respected trade union leader Pedro Zamora. continue reading >>

The dockworkers were also demanding more than US$1 million owed to them following an agreement with the government in 2005, which had settled a dispute about unpaid benefits over a number of years.

The government’s consistent failure to respect its collective agreement, and its intention to privatise the ports without dialogue with SINTRAJAP had forced the dockworkers to take action. Now workers were attacked and intimidated as the ports were effectively put under martial law.

In nearby Guatemala, one of the most dangerous countries in the world to be a trade unionist, armed police occupied the Port of Quetzal at about the same time.

The workers in Puerto Quetzal had suffered constant repression by the port company and leaders of the Puerto Quetzal Dockers’ Union (STEPQ) had been harassed. Even though the union tried to establish a dialogue, the company refused to cooperate. Having exhausted this route, the union initiated industrial action and in the early hours of the morning of 9 October, the government sent in the police.

The situation for the dockers’ unions in both countries must have been daunting at this stage. But in both cases the apparently intractable positions of the governments were to succumb to relentless trade union campaigns involving committed activism, strategic alliance-building and media initiatives. Tragically in the case of Guatemala, the progress achieved by STEPQ was to trigger the brutal and politically motivated murder of the union’s leader Pedro Zamora at the beginning of this year.

Acting with impunity

There are many oppressive governments around the world. However, union repression is not limited to countries like Burma. Many apparently democratically elected governments are also willing to attack workers simply for demanding their fundamental rights and – to borrow a phrase from president Arias – defending their human dignity. These governments have the tacit support of the so-called international community, which is signed up to promoting free trade ideology, and removing any obstacles that stand in its way.

Such neo-liberal policies are championed for example by the agreements of the World Trade Organisation, the legislation of regional economic organisations (such as the failed European Commission proposals aimed at forcing open the European ports market), World Bank projects and regional agreements such as the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA).

Governments consistently fall back on the need for investment and free trade as part of their development argument, which they also use to justify the denial of trade union rights. What is remarkable is that a development model that has failed spectacularly for decades should still be pursued with such vigour. Consequently, for the overwhelming majority of workers, the “decent employment” that president Arias spoke of is currently beyond reach.

It is unsurprising therefore that when unions were consulted over what issues the ITF’s Ports of Convenience (POC) campaign should address, trade union rights came up as a concern in virtually every region. As a result, one of the key themes of the POC campaign is going back to basics and winning recognition and respect for trade union rights in ports where they are currently non-existent or weak.

Standing up to rogue governments is easier said than done but we have learned from experience, including in Costa Rica and Guatemala, that a number of important factors strengthen our campaign.
 
Standing up to intimidation

Every trade union organisation, whether national or global, is only as strong as its members. Without committed activists, our movement has no strength and no future. In Costa Rica and Guatemala, despite the presence of armed personnel and intimidation, workers and union leaders stood their ground.

After the police occupied the Port of Quetzal in Guatemala, they started to look for the union leaders. This was not new. The port company had been dismissing workers for some time and had sent in armed police to seek out union leaders in the past, but the workers had protected them. During the latest dispute, union leaders were threatened and armed security agents followed and intimidated Pedro Zamora, the general secretary. In Costa Rica, despite the intimidation, the dockworkers went on to take strike action when the government continued to ignore their demands.

The disputes in both countries were not simply about employment issues. They were was also about economic and social development, and the management of key infrastructure, in this case ports, in the best interests of the citizens. As representative civil society organisations, trade unions have an important role in the national development debate and both unions were able and prepared to take on that role. In Costa Rica, SINTRAJAP, together with some non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Limon, had proposed a project for the port’s modernisation in order to improve its performance, but it received no response from the port management. STEPQ in Guatemala had also called on the government to modernise the port to improve productivity under public management and legitimately sought to be included in the consultation process on its future.

In Costa Rica, other workers were also facing problems. The banana industry is well known for its anti-union attitude. There was also public opposition to the CAFTA and on 23 and 24 October, a broad group including the major opposition parties, public universities, environmental organisations, unions, students and women’s organisations demonstrated against the agreement. Public workers also went on strike in protest over the trade deal.

SINTRAJAP did not pursue its campaign in isolation. They used the media to highlight the problem in the ports, galvanised public support and built alliances with other unions and civil society organisations which shared a common interest in a socially progressive agenda.

International cooperation

Many unions recognise that for their campaigns to be successful, the international dimension can no longer be an afterthought. It has to be a key pillar, particularly given the opportunities it provides in terms of new and important pressure points on companies and governments.

The support that the ITF provides has also had to become more sophisticated and multi-faceted. In the case of Costa Rica and Guatemala, the regional office, communications staff and the section worked together to support the union in a number of ways. Organising and coordinating solidarity actions is of course, the “bread and butter” work of the ITF and the response we got from affiliates, not just dockers’ unions, was excellent. However, keeping information channels open with the two unions and developing the appropriate regional, international and media strategies were also extremely important to boost our chances of success.

In the age of globalisation, we are well aware of the pressures that international trade puts on workers. However, it can also provide unions with opportunities to apply pressure on governments and business. In the case of both countries, the campaign took into account the obvious fact that bananas were an important export, and that public awareness of labour abuses in the trade was good in the industrialised countries.
With this is mind, the ITF approached its sister organisation, the International Union of Food, Agricultural, Hotel, Restaurant, Catering, Tobacco and Allied Workers’ Associations (IUF) and together we lobbied fruit companies using the Costa Rican ports and the Port of Quetzal in Guatemala. We also got in touch with Bananalink, an NGO working for better conditions in banana plantations.

Following a dramatic turnaround by the Costa Rican government towards the end of October, SINTRAJAP managed to negotiate a groundbreaking agreement, which met its immediate demands, including the establishment of a special commission to deal with the modernisation of the ports and to investigate the labour conditions of the dockers.

The Guatemalan government also indicated that it was ready to come to the negotiating table and by January 2007, it seemed that the dispute was all but settled as the government made a commitment in the national parliament to reinstate nine unfairly sacked workers, following strong pressure from STEPQ. However, in a shocking development, Pedro Zamora was gunned down in a paramilitary style killing shortly after. In the wake of the atrocity committed upon Pedro Zamora, and the regular death threats being received by his colleagues as TI went to press, it is not possible for us to determine what the outcomes will be. However we pay tribute to the vision and courage of union activists like these who risk so much in their commitment to the struggle for basic rights for their fellow workers.

Sharon James is ITF assistant dockers’ section secretary.